A few years ago, at a conference on the future of computers, experts described a vision of the home of the future: a fully programmed house where everything operated in a modern way, allowing its occupants to rarely leave. All their needs were met inside, including work, which could be done from home via computers. The young, well-groomed woman living in this "dream house" seemed delighted to be working there, with her children playing nearby, seamlessly combining her family responsibilities with her job, which she managed remotely.
This idealized picture of the future, however, neglected to address critical aspects: Was the young working mother on a contract or paid by the piece? Did she work part-time? Did she have interactions with colleagues, a social life, union membership? Was she forced to work late at night or early in the morning while her family rested? "
The above text is from an article on teleworking written in September 2002 by Aliki Xenou-Venardou in Rizospastis, focusing on the impact on working women. Telework, a system's "solution" to the working women's movement's demand for support, was presented long before it became widespread during the coronavirus pandemic. The author wasn't prophetic; instead, she highlighted that mass teleworking, as an idea and practice, wasn't new. It represented another form of "flexible employment"—perhaps the most modern and appealing to workers.
"Teleworking, often done from the employee's home, is now widespread in Europe, where the rise in self-employment is negatively impacting full employment," the article explains. Employers exploit teleworking to remain "flexible" and competitive, hiring minimal paid staff and outsourcing the rest to teleworkers classified as "self-employed." This often results in part-time or piecemeal work, which is misleadingly presented as a privilege, especially for young mothers, while actually degrading their working conditions.
"Workers typically have no choice and work in a dependent employment relationship without occupational registration or insurance cover," the article states. Written 18 years ago, this situation might have seemed like science fiction to Cyprus until recently, much like the "emergency" of a virus pandemic.
The class-based trade union movement identified this trend early on, noting that flexible forms of employment undermine and deregulate labour relations. Early diagnoses of capitalist methods were not prophetic but based on class analysis. Adam Smith, a theoretician of capitalism, noted that capitalists always prioritize profit. In The Wealth of Nations, Smith argued that individuals acting in self-interest advance their community's interests. Entrepreneurs present telecommuting as a benefit to workers, especially women, fitting this principle.
Teleworking, or more precisely, working from home, is a flexible form of employment that benefits businesses at workers' expense. Employers reduce labour costs by cutting expenses like rent, electricity, and insurance. Telework often means self-employment, underemployment, or part-time work, reducing employer obligations. This leaves workers with minimal rights and protection.
Under the new emergency conditions due to coronavirus, many workers now experience this employment form, which conceals traps and dangers. Therefore, once the emergency is over, working from home should not become a permanent solution or institution, except for pre-existing exceptions with agreed employment terms and collective agreements.
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